A Nupe was anyone considered a subject by the Nupe ruler. An example of a political boundary would be the division between the US and Canada, while an example of a natural boundary would be the Ural Mountains separating Europe and Asia. They wonder whether a person born and raised in Stockholm should have a greater claim on Sáminess than some crafters as in the cases mentioned. Wimmer, A. She writes: “It is a body constructed as an essentialized being that validates the handmade object as the product of its authentic nature” (Moore 2008, 199–200). Violations of Ethical Boundaries in Social Work. Don't waste time. In particular, tourism and handicrafts are seen as vital supplementary revenue for Sámi who continue to practise more traditional occupations, such as traditional reindeer herding, fishing, etc., or who currently practise these activities only to some extent (Müller and Pettersson 2001; Scheffy 2004; Dana and Remes 2005; Viken 2006; Leu and Müller 2016; Niskala and Ridanpää 2016). For them and their handicrafts, Sáminess is normalized as a closed category, because Sáminess is implicitly understood as being based on blood relations and as not being attainable through cultural practice alone. It may mean a new reflection and renegotiation of what a given ethnicity is about, which might not include or be comfortable for all. Thus, one person states: “We would like people to know that Sámi is not the only authentic northern handicraft”. This dichotomization may be problematic, as more complex ethnic identities existing within a person are largely obscured, requiring adherence to either “Sámi” or non-descript/generalized categories. In future studies aiming to provide more insight across the identified boundaries and into the role of tourism in relation to these discourses, we suggest using focus groups with crafters/sellers that are international/inter-ethnic. Ethnic boundaries and boundary-making in handicrafts: examples from northern Norway, Sweden and Finland. “Sámi” and “non-Sámi” (and sometimes “Norwegians”, “Swedes” and “Finns”) are made into generic categories in the interviewees’ talk (Wodak 1999). The Rio Grande forms a large part of the boundary between Mexico and the United States. The paralleling adaption (Cohen 1993) of ethnic handicrafts is at times discussed as the essentialization of people’s ethnicity, cultural appropriation and neo-colonialization (Niskala and Ridanpää 2016). Hannelene Schilar is now a Doctoral Student at the Institute of Environmental Social Sciences and Geography, University of Freiburg, and will include this work in her dissertation. Studying ethnic boundaries has since then become a major preoccupation of mainstream anthropology and of the sociology of race and ethnicity. The article thus helps us achieve a deeper understanding of the Sámi/non-Sámi ethnic construction and its manifestations as well as its contestations in relation to handicrafts. As one person states, “My husband is Sámi, so my children are fifty/fifty”. Ethnicity and identity are largely about boundaries; in fact, there is no way to determine one’s identity—ethnic or otherwise—without reference to some sort of boundary. Recently, a number of insightful critiques against the more exaggeratedly constructivist interpretations of Barth’s essay have appeared. For those who “don’t have it”, Sáminess is not an identity choice, even for people who have deep ties to a Sámi culture (through marriage, children, lifestyle, handicrafts, etc.). Maintaining Inherited Occupations in Changing Times: The Role of Tourism among Reindeer Herders in Northern Sweden, ‘A Phantom Menace and the New Apartheid’: The Social Construction of Asylum-Seekers in the United Kingdom, Tourism and the Development of Handicraft Production in the Maltese Islands, The Discourse of the Illegal Immigration Debate: A Case Study in the Politics of Representation, Assimilation of the Sami – Implementation and Consequences, The Silver Hand: Authenticating the Alaska Native Art, Craft and Body, Conflicts Over the Repatriation of Sami Cultural Heritage in Sweden, Access to Sámi Tourism in Northern Sweden, Institut für Länderkunde und Geographische Kommission von Westfalen, Constructing Ethnicity: Creating and Recreating Ethnic Identity and Culture, Ethnic Representations and Social Exclusion: Sáminess in Finnish Lapland Tourism Promotion. Tourism is further seen to enhance that simplified divide, as some tourists seek out specific representations, such as “Sámi handicrafts”, thereby ignoring locally relevant nuances. Cultural boundaries- boundaries between states that coincide with differences in ethnicity, especially language and religion; another cultural boundary is drawn according to geometry. In: Barth, F., Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Culture Difference. The advantage of this was that we did not impose or predefine the role ethnicity would play or the terms that would be used. Lastly, we need to acknowledge our subjectivity, and the possibility of our having over- or understated certain discourses. But for us there are great differences. John Bunce, University of California, Davis INTRODUCTION Overview This 26-month investigation examines the relationship between inter-ethnic interactions, perceptions, and the cultural content of ethnic groups. Moreover, these boundaries did not define all the available space in Africa. Back then anti-Sámi politics were prevailing, but now they are decreasing, so we are finding our way back to our roots. Thus, today, the dynamics are expressed as having changed to a significant extent, and the interviews portray Sáminess as aesthetic, beautiful and desirable. ethnic boundary markers. The time and place of the interviews were determined by the interviewees. He critiques two lines of research for their failure to adequately address the cultural content of what defines an ethnic group. This confirms earlier work done by other authors in these areas (e.g. However, the result of contact is not always the erosion of ethnic dialect boundaries. What Ethnic Boundary Markers would you wish to see alteration? Based on our initial understanding that ethnic groups should not be taken as levels of analysis (Goode and Stroup 2015), we did not pre-select people based on ethnicity (Markwick 2001). Thuen (2012) suggests that, later on, the ethno-political emancipation of Sámi likewise put pressure on identities and promoted dichotomized identities as either Sámi or Swede/Norwegian/Finn. The legal aspect he addresses has only been discussed in a limited way by tourism researchers in relation to debates on the entanglement of culture and the tourism industry. Usage examples for ethnic boundary markers Words that often appear near ethnic boundary markers Rhymes of ethnic boundary markers Invented words related to ethnic boundary markers: Search for ethnic boundary markers on Google or Wikipedia. Which of the following is an example of groupism?-the formation of a new cultural group - the temptation to divide human populations into distinct groups despite rather fuzzy boundaries - the cultural practice of adopting local leadership structures-the deliberate and systematic destruction of an ethnic … (2018). In our work, we intend to describe and explicate the ways in which ethnicity is constructed in relation to handicrafts. The sharpest ethnic boundary has been between the Han and the steppe pastoralists, a boundary sharpened by centuries of conflict and cycles of conquest and subjugation. The current position of individual Sámi people can vary according to background, lifestyle, community as well as the legal situations found in the different nation states (Åhrén 2010). In such a context, people may be able to draw from and adhere to multiple ethnic identifications and categories. Our findings demonstrate that the interviewees draw an ethnic divide between “Sámi”/“non-Sámi”, while other ethnic-choices move to the background. […] I don’t want to have anything that is not made by Sámi. Some examples of boundary situations are bartering, boundary crossings, and dual relationships. Ethnic boundaries dichotomize insiders from outsiders--'us' from 'them.' Free Samples and Examples of Essays, Homeworks and any Papers. These more recent developments can be said to have in part strengthened ethnic identity and reawakened both pride and political identity (Eidheim 1997; Valkonen 2014). In these processes, the complexity of internally varying places and cultures becomes overwritten with simplified discourse and imagery (Hummon 1988; Fesenmaier and MacKay 1996). Crafter: Only Sámi crafters … So, I’m not Sámi, right? . 1966. Here in northern Norway people are very smart [about it], but not in Finland, Rovaniemi, for example. But then again, I’ve lived here twenty-six years, I am married to a Sámi … me and my children speak Sámi and much of what I do is inspired by Sámi culture. In these quotes, one can note the shared “we” embracing Sámi and non-Sámi (Mehan 1997; Wodak 1999; Billig 2003) and an orientation towards the future (‘need to’). Ethics in social work are related to core values of service, social justice, the dignity of the individual, the importance of human relationships, integrity and competence, according to the Code of Ethics of the National … Similarly, some Swedish and Norwegian Sámi artists speak about the exclusiveness of Sámi handicraft as perhaps being “unnecessary” or not particularly modern. They illustrate the continuous production of ethnic norms and boundaries, especially when global tourism enters into the equation. In contrast, some non-Sámi crafters feel their crafting is neglected and their own northern identities considered less legitimate. On the fringes of such states—but still under the state's influence—people lived in societies based on local kinship groups. History is used as a story of shared experience and collective suffering, which strengthens identity today (Kalmus 2003): Earlier that [being Sámi] was nothing one wanted to show, it should rather be toned down and one should speak Swedish and not Sámi, but today it is beautiful to be able to be Sámi and we are proud of our culture. a typology of forms of ethnic groups and relations, we attempt to explore the different processes that seem to be involved in generating and maintaining ethnic groups. Others, especially those studying individual ethnic political movements, have emphasized ‘‘resistance’’ of individuals or groups against such policies or the everyday ‘‘making’’ of ethnic boundaries in social networking and moral discourses. In a modern, capitalist context, handicrafts need to be understood in a twofold manner: as significant markers and practices of identity and as sources of income. Graburn 1984; Gordon 1986; Markwick 2001; Hume 2009; Swanson and Timothy 2012). The phrases used in these quotes create a sense of unity among Sámi through use of the pronoun “we” (Van Dijk 1995; Mehan 1997; Wodak 1999; Billig 2003): “we are finding our way back to our roots”, “we have experienced”, “we are proud”. Most fully fledged analyses of boundary making have developed from a ‘‘groupist’’ perspective, to cite Jenkins’s (1997) term, which takes ethnic groups as actors with a unified purpose and strategy, assumed to be one of boundary maintenance and policing rather than of dissolution and assimilation. Valkonen (2014), for instance, observes that people speak in terms of living like a Sámi or living like a Finn/Swede/Norwegian; and there is reason to suspect that people with mixed ethnicities, including Kven/Torne valley origins, may also arrange themselves within these groupings. In this context, the more pragmatic, commercial attitude in northern Finland is noted in particular and cast in a negative light. Instead, we included a variety of people crafting and selling handicrafts in these areas and studied the ways in which ethnicity was talked about in relation to handicrafts. Hence, what is local becomes a resource for tourism and constructed through narrations of authenticity and difference. Traditionally, in order to be Jewish, a person must have a Jewish mother, follow the Jewish religion and abide by kosher food limitations. In the current article, we present new empirical material that illuminates the ways in which ethnicity is talked about and constructed in relation to handicrafts in northern Sweden, Norway and Finland. Considering handicrafts as significant markers of ethnic identity (e.g. Deriving from the specific historic context, our findings show how the interviewees tend to express themselves using the discursive categories “Sámi” and “non-Sámi” (or “Swede”/’Finn’/’Norwegian’), while various other identity choices move into the background (Edwards 1991; Mehan 1997; Lynn and Lea 2003; Charteris-Black 2006; Goodman and Speer 2007). It cannot be determined which of these two dynamics is the defining one in any given case, rather, they can be assumed to work as a dialectic. This is a theme of great, but neglected, importance to social anthropology. But maybe some younger Sámi or somebody from the South could ask “But how can you do that?” and we kind of don’t understand the question. Registered in England & Wales No. In the context of tourism, as well as more widely, Sáminess is largely discussed as an attractive, aesthetic and desirable quality, in contrast to the stigma it had in the past. I often discuss this with my daughters and they are very critical, and more politically correct than me. In this regard, we noted that some interviewees seemed to derive confidence from the young appearance of the researcher, allowing a very open, direct and playful way of talking. […] It didn’t feel I should be using the symbols just like that. The identity of being-a-woman was thought to create experiences of insideness, mutuality and sharing with women in particular; conversely, the same involvedness also meant being cautious so as not to blur the boundaries between the researcher’s own and the interviewees’ voice throughout the work (O’Connor 2004). As elaborated by Åhrén (2010) for the case of Sámi, such practices could violate laws concerning property rights and self-determination, as they might harm cultural identity. Tourism is one part of the equation. In the second video, we will explore how to set boundaries, which includes communicating your boundaries to others.. Ethnicity may hence be partly seen as a creative choice and discursive construction – as malleable depending on the situation or the audience (Barth 1969; see also: Eidheim 1971; Waters 1990; Eriksen 1991; Nagel 1994; Barker 2001; Kramvig 2005). Filed Under: Essays Tagged With: anthropology. Hence, neither Sámi nor any of the other minority groups can be viewed (or studied) as a single entity without acknowledging the great internal variation and heterogeneity. For that reason, critical discourse analysis is explicitly critical: It is intended to identify certain social conditions, contextualize them and deconstruct how they are discursively legitimated (Fairclough 1989, 1992, 2010; see also: Bhaskar 1986; Van Dijk 1995; Sayer 2003). Emphasis on ethnic boundaries at the cost of giving less attention to the cul-tural content within those boundaries is an example of a good idea pushed too far, Paradoxically enough, national assimilation policies may have initially fortified the categories “Sámi” and “non-Sámi”, dichotomizing the social realms and creating some sense of otherness (Minde 2003; Thuen 2012). Cultural boundaries- boundaries between states that coincide with differences in ethnicity, especially language and religion; another cultural boundary is drawn according to geometry. Ethnicity in U.S. therefore usually refers to collectives of related groups, having more to do with physical appearance, specifically skin color, rather than political boundaries. In the study of race relations the constructivist stance has also gained ground over the past two decades. Lamont, M. (2000) The Dignity of Working Man: Morality and the Boundaries of Race, Class, and Immigration. For instance, coastal Sámi might be seen as “less” Sámi, because reindeer herding tends to be portrayed as the more “authentic” Sámi occupation (Thuen 2012). Borders reflected the territories inhabited and controlled by different ethnic groups, and they often changed over time—generally as a result of migration or conquest. In the second video, we will explore how to set boundaries, which includes communicating your boundaries to others. Ethnic conflict is one of the major threats to international peace and security. To clearly address the constitutive practices and discourses of ethnicity in relation to handicrafts, we avoid preselecting people based on their ethnicity or studying any ethnic group per se (Markwick 2001; Goode and Stroup 2015). Discourses of Ethnicity in Zimbabwe: Deliberative Democracy or Online Misogyny? Then of course, beyond self-identification and ancestry, also acculturalization establishes thresholds for how much of a Sámi one can be considered. Accordingly, “the central projects of ethnicity [are] the construction of boundaries and production of meaning” (Nagel 1994, 153). We excluded minor selling spots in gas stations or supermarkets. Example: Based on language, Quebec, and a can be considered a cultural boundary. This makes Sáminess relative to what it is not (Barker 2001). The literature concentrates on the social networks of ethnic groups, the use of social capital derived from these networks, and ethnic identity. The article deepens the understanding of the Sámi/non-Sámi ethnic categorization, here in relation to handicrafts. Although they are not ironclad, these customs set "traditional" Jewish people apart from others. Discourses and practices thus draw ethnic boundaries, which divide and unify; they continually produce and reproduce a system of meaning – a “symbolic universe” that cannot be underestimated as an actual social force (Nagel 1994, 162; see also: Barth 1969; Goode and Stroup 2015; Wimmer 2013; Wimmer 2014). Similar approaches to studying ethnicity have been used by, among others, Niskala and Ridanpää (2016), Nyika (2014) and Pietikäinen and Dufva (2006). A recurring example in the interviews concerns the symbols taken from the Sámi shamanistic drum, e.g. Taking a social constructivist perspective, our study addresses ethnic boundaries and boundary-making in handicrafts in northern Sweden, Norway and Finland. However, … Examples of a cultural boundary, or cultural area, would be Saharan Africa (including Egypt and Morocco) and Sub-Saharan Africa (including Sudan and... See full answer below. Broadly, one can say it springs from one’s origin [ursprung], partly from one’s upbringing, and then of course one’s choice. To non-Sámi crafters and handicraft sellers, “the Sámi handicraft” symbolizes a closed, unattainable category, seemingly “the more authentic northern handicraft”, besides which some may feel that their own abilities, their northern identity and right of belonging are being neglected. Crafter: No, it isn’t a problem. Hence, Sáminess is seen as valuable, a sort of extra-identity and a matter of “who has it”: There were situations where one wished to be Sámi, because maybe it is seen as something quite beautiful, aesthetic. The land mass of Asia is not the sum of the land masses of each of its regions, which have been defined independently of the whole. Our findings are structured in three parts. The Mississippi River is the defining boundary between many of the states it winds through, including Iowa and Illinois, Arkansas and Tenne… And sometimes I feel the young have gone too far, nearly like a way of policing, like suspiciously: “Aha, what are you doing?” They easily see anything as appropriation and something ugly. Figure 1. Find Boundaries under Map Controls in the Sidebar Menu. Equally, they can be viewed within a global system of touristic representation and idealized imagery. It is very imperative for the counselor to understand the Code of Ethics and learn about all possible scenarios that may come up during a professional relationship. (2002) Nationalist Exclusion and Ethnic Conflict: Shadows of Modernity. This does not fit well with the ethnographic record, which shows that various, sometimes contradicting, claims to groupness are put forward by persons that share an ethnic back ground (Brubaker 2004). ), The Anthropology of Ethnicity: Beyond ‘‘Ethnic Groups and Boundaries.’’ Het Spinhuis, Amsterdam. Third, to observe these processes we shift the focus of investigation from internal constitution and history of separate groups to ethnic boundaries and boundary maintenance. 29-48. The conversations were audio-recorded with the interviewees’ permission, transcribed and the quotes to be presented in the article were translated. For the present paper, we analysed the material using a critical discourse approach and following Fairclough in particular (Foucault 1977, 1980; 1989, 1992, 2010; see also: Bhaskar 1986; Van Dijk 1995; Billig 2003). Cohen 1993; Graburn 1984; Hakkarainen 2008; Hume 2009; Scheffy 2004), the adoption of Sámi cultural practices, such as particular handicrafts or symbols, by non-Sámi can be understood as a threat to Sámi ethnicity, making Sáminess a contested good (Valkonen 2009). 2) Can you identify some of the Ethnic Boundary markers you see in our own culture (specifically microcultures)? Sámi come here and order things: belt buckles, jewellery, and so on … . Geometric Boundary that is created with geometric aspects Advantages Permanent easily located on map good political reference Disadvantages not easily visible Example: North Korea United States Water Set in place by the UN as a buffer zone between the two ethnic groups, Turks, >> In each of these two kinds of examples, there is a kind of mini-cultural boundary, despite the fact that so much of the rest of the culture was shared in each of these two cases. Åhrén (2010) sees some kind of solution in benefit-sharing arrangements. Systematic comparative research will have to establish the validity of these various new approaches in a more precise and empirically solid way. Interviewer: Do you think there should be more openness towards Sámi-inspired art? All three minorities share a relatively recent history of being accepted as minorities, having their languages recognized and building institutions to support their diverse interests. Contrary to Barth’s famed assertion that it is the boundary that matters in ethnic relations, not the ‘‘cultural stuff’’ they enclose, a number of authors have emphasized that this stuff may indeed make a difference. According to Gaski (2008), for many Sámi the clear ethnic dichotomization implicit in the symbols of emancipation (map, flag, etc.) Prominent examples among these include Hechter’s theory of internal colonialism. John Bunce, University of California, Davis INTRODUCTION Overview This 25-month investigation examines the relationship between inter-ethnic interactions, perceptions, and the cultural content of ethnic groups. Furthermore, the Kven institute states: “Most Kven have both Sámi and Norwegian relatives. (Eds. In Quebec, french is their official language, but the rest of the country predominantly speaks English. Typically, people put forward arguments that revolve around ancestry, language, culture, appearance, locality or religion to talk about and “prove” their ethnicity (Nagel 1994). Therefore, ethnic boundaries developed among Padmini and the armed forces "through everyday interaction" as has been emphasized by Wimmer (2008 Wimmer ( , p. … Boundaries in Africa Before the arrival of European colonists, African boundaries were very loosely defined. Over time, blood relations are seen to delude, for instance: “Far back we have something Sámi in the family, but not today”. Here, it is spoken about as a matter of “having it”. In the Sámi area, there is heated discussion on such issues as how “traditional” a piece of craft must be to pass as duodji, how much you can “develop” it before it turns into something other than duodji, whether it must be made by hand or to what extent you can use machines, and whether a piece of craft is a piece of duodji only if it is made for one’s own use. A relic boundary is one that no longer functions but can still be detected on the cultural landscape. Eidheim 1971; Minde,2003; Gaski 2008; Mulk 2009; Thuen 2012; Valkonen 2014; Viken and Müller 2017). A second problem associated with the earlier literature is the lack of attention given to individual variability. Born and raised in a reindeer herding family, I have the language left, I have important Sámi ancestry, I am member of a Sameby [reindeer husbandry unit]. London : The Athlone Press. Third, we lay out how Sáminess and Sámi handicrafts are being opened up as well as protected. is problematic; hence, many Sámi, given their identifications, do not feel represented by these categories. Home; Node; 1307 First, we explore the categorical construction of a Sámi/non-Sámi divide in relation to handicrafts and crafting. 1962. Taking a critical discourse approach, our findings illustrate accordingly: (1) how “Sámi” and “non-Sámi” are constructed as main discursive ethnic categories, connected to dynamics of who can/cannot make Sámi handicrafts or use Sámi symbols, (2) how Sáminess is talked about as an attractive quality, with Sámi handicrafts being interpreted as more genuine, as well as what these discourses deploy and (3) how Sáminess, particularly Sámi handicrafts, are being protected and in what specific dynamics of inclusion/exclusion this protection results. China Table of Contents. Models of social organization. Examples of Overlapping Racial and Ethnic Categories in the U.S. However, the question here is: Who exactly could consent to and benefit from such agreements? It is a great community here! Boundaries are meant to be beneficial in the professional relationship. Studying the practices and discourses relating ethnicity and handicrafts, we consider it crucial to acknowledge both the specific historic, geographic context and claims about cultural ownership, as well as the more pragmatic understanding that no handicraft or culture has one unilineal tradition (Evans-Pritchard 1987; Cohen and Cohen 2012). Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. It may further mean that norms concerning what is permitted/forbidden in relation to that ethnicity are renegotiated and that ethnic otherness is emphasized where “symbols of difference are exposed [while] the signs of similarity are moved to the backyard” (Viken and Müller 2017, 19). Hence, the issues relating tourism, ethnicity and handicrafts are manifold. Practically all anthropological We cannot understand why using Sámi symbols should be a problem, because we treat them with so much respect and have the knowledge about their background.